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U.S. Constitution
See other U.S. Constitution Articles

Title: Repealing the Second Amendment Is Easier than You Think
Source: Mises Institute
URL Source: https://mises.org/wire/repealing-second-amendment-easier-you-think
Published: Mar 27, 2018
Author: Ryan McMaken
Post Date: 2018-03-29 06:14:36 by Deckard
Keywords: None
Views: 1219
Comments: 16

03/27/2018

In Tuesday's New York Times, former Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens calls for a repeal of the Second Amendment, calling it a "relic of the 18th century." 

In response, many commentators have focused on what would be involved in repealing the amendment, noting that the formal amendment process is very costly and difficult. Amending the Constitution requires securing two-thirds majorities in both the House and the Senate — and then three-fourths of the states would have to ratify the amendment.

We Don't Amend the Constitution the Old-Fashioned Way Anymore

It's true that amending the constitution the old-fashioned way is not easy. 

Historically, though, many reformers and activists thought it worth the effort. For example, reformers in the early 20th century advocated for, and passed, many new amendments that drastically changed the nature of the federal government. New amendments involving the income tax, the selection of US senators, and alcohol prohibition were all passed. Other major amendments came close to passing, such as one outlawing child labor, which would have expanded federal oversight of household chores for children. 

But, in practice, there is another way to amend the Constitution, and this has become increasingly seen as the only way to modify the Constitution in recent decades. This other method is used almost annually through landmark Supreme Court decisions that create new "rights" or re-interpret the Constitution, or apply the provisions in the Constitution in new ways. The practical effect of these legal changes has been to amend the Constitution. And, this can be done without having to go through all the trouble of having to convince a sizable portion of the population to vote for the change.

We can find many examples of this if we look. 

On the matter of abortion, for example, the Court in 1973 simply invented a new federal "right" to an abortion, and one that could be banned or regulated by federal law. Prior to this decision, it was almost universally accepted — among both pro- and anti-abortion observers — that abortion was a matter for state and local governments. The Supreme Court, without a formal amendment, nevertheless effectively amended the Constitution unilaterally. 

Another example can be found during the New Deal. For years, the federal courts had opposed the sorts of federal regulatory schemes that Franklin Roosevelt was attempting to pass as part of his New Deal. Faced with court intransigence, Roosevelt threatened to "pack the court" and to heap political pressure on the Court. Nearly overnight, the Court began to approve New Deal legislation that it had previously opposed. Now, new federal regulations that had previously been deemed unconstitutional were now all constitutional. No constitutional amendment was necessary. 

Indeed, even on the matter of gun control, courts have recently re-interpreted the Constitution in brand new ways. 

In the 2008 case of District of Columbia vs. Heller, the Court expanded the Second Amendment to apply to state and local governments as well. Previous to this, state and local governments were far more unlimited in how they regulated guns. 

Prior to the case, it was not quite clear, legally speaking, if the Amendment was subject to "incorporation" and thus applied to all levels of government. 

The Heller decision, which Stevens dissented on, expanded state and local restrictions on guns. 

Historical experience backs this up since we find that state and local controls on gun ownership were common in the 19th century, and federal courts were not in the habit of striking them down. After all, municipal-level gun control measures could be found in many parts of the United States, including the so-called "Wild West." Another example is the 1876 constitution of the State of Colorado which explicitly bans concealed weapons. 

With Heller, however, the Second Amendment was expanded — and this was a de facto amendment to the US Constitution as well. 

When these changes take place, they happen without asking the voters to approve the changes or debate the issues. All that is needed is for five judges in Washington, DC, to agree. 

Although we often hear from some conservatives that the United States is becoming more democratic, the truth is that the old highly democratic means of amending the Constitution is now all but shunned. The modern habit is to defer to the "experts" — federal judges. 

This way of thinking is alive and well today. There was once broad agreement, for example, that prohibiting broad classes of substances required a change to the Constitution. This is why the prohibition of alcohol required a constitutional amendment 90 years ago. 

By the 1970s, though, passing constitutional amendments was out of style. Nowadays, when it comes to banning a variety of drugs other than alcohol, all that is necessary is to pass new federal statutes. The federal courts might strike those new laws down, or they might not. If the courts agree with new power grabs by Congress or the President, then the new change becomes constitutional. Fortunately for Congress and the President, the courts are very often inclined to agree. 

From a political perspective, it's just a lot easier to pass new federal laws and see what you can get away with. 

This is why it's very unlikely there's going to be any formal repeal of the Second Amendment. Passing such an amendment would require a lot of time and effort from supporters — time and effort that could be better spent on getting a US president elected who will appoint judges who will act as if the Second Amendment had been repealed. 

This is the way of amending the Constitution in modern America. While this has always been true to a significant extent, it is now all the more true that the federal courts are a political playground where judges make rulings that reflect their political ideologies.  

John Paul Stevens knows all this, of course, and it's extremely unlikely he thinks the Second Amendment will be repealed any time soon. He does know, however, that those who agree with him can affect what judges get appointed and how those judges rule. And that is how the Second Amendment will really be repealed. 

Ryan McMaken (@ryanmcmaken) is the editor of Mises Wire and The Austrian. Send him your article submissions, but read article guidelines first. Ryan has degrees in economics and political science from the University of Colorado, and was the economist for the Colorado Division of Housing from 2009 to 2014. He is the author of Commie Cowboys: The Bourgeoisie and the Nation-State in the Western Genre.

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Begin Trace Mode for Comment # 16.

#12. To: Y'ALL (#0) (Edited)

Is The Supreme Court Really The Ultimate Arbiter Of The Constitution?

Published on October 23, 2017 in History/Politics by Zachary Garris

Americans today consider the Supreme Court to be the final arbiter of the Constitution. Politicians and voters alike will fight tooth and nail over legal questions facing the judicial system, even criticizing Supreme Court rulings when initially handed down. But give a Supreme Court decision enough time and Americans eventually acquiesce. The question becomes “settled.”

From the banning of prayer and Bible reading in public schools in the 1960s to the recent forced recognition of same-sex “marriage” in all 50 States, the Court’s decisions reign supreme.

However, the Supreme Court’s rulings do not enforce themselves. They carry weight because State officials and the people of the States submit to the Court, choosing to follow federal judges over State laws. This raises the question—why do we give the Supreme Court so much deference?

The Supreme Court Claims Ultimacy

The view that the Supreme Court is the final arbiter of the Constitution is one of its own making. The Constitution itself never says that the Supreme Court is the final arbiter of the Constitution. Rather, it identifies the Constitution as “supreme”:

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land (Article VI).

Three things are listed as the “supreme law of the land”: (1) the Constitution; (2) laws made “in pursuance” of the Constitution; and (3) treaties. These things bind both State and federal officials.

What then of the Supreme Court? Article III of the Constitution vests “judicial power” in “one supreme Court,” as well as lower federal courts that Congress “may from time to time ordain and establish” (Article III, Section 1). This judicial power of the federal courts extends to all cases “arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made,” with the specific cases that federal courts can hear listed in Article III, Section 2. In other words, federal courts are supposed to have limited jurisdiction.

The Supreme Court does not have authority over the Constitution. Rather, the Court is given authority to hear certain types of cases arising under the Constitution, U.S. laws, and treaties. The Court is supposed to apply the Constitution to the cases before it.

Unfortunately, the Supreme Court began to claim more power for itself quite early in its history. In Marbury v. Madison (1803), Chief Justice John Marshall ruled that the Supreme Court could determine the constitutionality of federal legislation (what is known as “judicial review”). Though not explicit in the Constitution, the founding generation expected that the federal judiciary would practice a limited form of judicial review as a check on the other branches of the federal government.

However, what was more controversial was federal judicial review of State legislation, a power that the Marshall Court claimed in Fletcher v. Peck (1810). Six years later, the Court also claimed the right to overturn State courts in Martin v. Hunter’s Lessee (1816). Only this time it was not Marshall (who recused himself), but Marshall’s ally Joseph Story who wrote the opinion.

Fletcher and Martin were significant cases in early judicial history because they expanded the power of the Supreme Court to include a veto power over the States, including both State legislatures and State courts. The Supreme Court was in essence claiming it had a monopoly on constitutional interpretation. For if the Court can veto both the federal government and the State governments, this leaves no other branch of government to interpret the Constitution. These decisions by the Marshall Court set the stage for the Supreme Court’s usurpation of State authority in the 20th century (under the guise of “substantive due process”), thus establishing a nationalist rather than a federal approach to the Union.

Black-Robed Despotism

Thomas Jefferson saw what was happening with the Marshall Court and warned against the Supreme Court’s ultimacy in his letter to William Charles Jarvis (September 1820):

You seem . . . to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions; a very dangerous doctrine indeed, and one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy . . . They have, with others, the same passions for party, for power, and the privilege of their corps . . . and their power the more dangerous as they are in office for life, and not responsible, as the other functionaries are, to the elective control. The constitution has erected no such single tribunal, knowing that to whatever hands confided, with the corruptions of time and party, its members would become despots. It has more wisely made all the departments co-equal and co-sovereign within themselves.

Jefferson’s words read like prophecy, as the people of the United States have come to be ruled by a black-robed despotic “oligarchy” that is unaccountable to voters. In response to this concern, Jefferson stressed the importance of the “co-equal” branches. However, he concluded, “I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves.”

This is a reference to the people of the States having the power to practice nullification or call an Article V convention. Jefferson made a similar statement in his letter to Judge William Johnson (June 1823) commenting on Marbury v. Madison—“the Chief Justice [John Marshall] says, ‘there must be an ultimate arbiter somewhere.’ True, there must; but . . . The ultimate arbiter is the people of the Union, assembled by their deputies in convention, at the call of Congress, or of two-thirds of the States.”

The Court is Not the Only Interpreter of the Constitution

The Supreme Court’s claim of ultimacy finds no support in the Constitution. This is because neither the framers nor the ratifiers of the Constitution intended to give the Supreme Court a monopoly on the document’s interpretation. The expectation was that every branch of the government would interpret the Constitution—the three branches of the federal government (legislative, executive, judicial), as well as the States.

The right to interpret the Constitution by the other branches of the federal government can be demonstrated by the fact that the president takes an oath to “preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution”—not the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the document (Article II, Section 1). Further, Congress is only supposed to pass laws within the powers granted by the Constitution (Article I, Section 8), and the president is supposed to veto any law he considers unconstitutional (Article I, Section 7).

President Andrew Jackson affirmed this right of the other branches to interpret the Constitution in his veto message on the bank bill in 1832:

The Congress, the Executive, and the Court must each for itself be guided by its own opinion of the Constitution. Each public officer who takes an oath to support the Constitution swears that he will support it as he understands it, and not as it is understood by others . . . The opinion of the judges has no more authority over Congress than the opinion of Congress has over the judges, and on that point the President is independent of both

Two bits our two scholars of the Constitution, (Vic and whitey) will NOT have the ability to even comment on the above article..

https://www.thelibertyconservative.com/is-the-supreme-court-really-the-ultimate- arbiter-of-the-constitution/

tpaine  posted on  2018-03-30   12:14:47 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


#16. To: tpaine (#12)

You lose a quarter.

First comment: what you published there is scholarly opinion, not law. Law is what the courts and executive branch will enforce. It is theoretically true that the Supreme Court is not the final arbiter of the Constitution. A President could test the theory by directly defying a Supreme Court decision, either by doing what the Court profited, or refusing to do what the Court mandated. In either case it would provoke a constitutional crisis that might end in the Supreme Court being knocked down a notch and recognized as de facto no longer the final decider, that instead the President was the final judge of Constitutionality. Or the President who provoked the constitutional crisis might be impeached, with the trial in the Senate presided over by the Chief Justice.

Any President COULD HAVE tried this. Only Jackson actually didn’t, on one case, and Lincoln, who disregarded habeas corpus in the Civil War. Today, no one can saw what would happen.

Vicomte13  posted on  2018-03-30   20:04:28 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


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