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Historical Title: Letter on the Relation of the White and African Races in the United States Look at what the Lincoln Administration mass produced at the Government Printing Office at taxpayer expense. Rev. James Mitchell wrote a letter to Lincoln and was brought on board as the Minister of Emigration. Mitchell was the man with a plan to perfect the existing colonization plans of the Lincoln administration. Mitchell had previously recruited Lincoln for the Colonization Society. Mitchell was kept onboard until removed by President Andrew Johnson. Under Lincoln, the letter was published by the General Publishing Office in 1862 as a pamphlet. The pamphlet may be viewed and/or downloaded at the link given below. Letter on the Relation of the White and African Races in the United States Showing the Necessity of the Colonization of the Latter It further suggests that our legislation should cover the wants and well-being of both races, and that statesmen should consider, first, the good of the white race, then, the good and well-being of the black; making at least as liberal appropriations for the colonization of the Indian, upon whom millions on millions have been expended with but imperfect success in the cause of civilization, whilst the slender means of the friends of the African civilization have produced lasting results. Some affect to fear that the man of color will not remove to a separate locality. It is not to be expected that a race, which has hardly attained a mental majority, will rise in a day to the stature of the men who found empires, build cities, and lay the ground work of civil institutions like ours; nor should they be expected to do this unaided and alone. They should receive the kind attention, direction, and aid of those who understand such things; nor will the world condemn a gentle pressure in the forward course to overcome the natural inertia of masses long used to the driver's will and rod. Let us do justice in the provision we make for their future comfort, and surety they will do justice to our distracted Republic. If they should fail to do this, there would then be more propriety in weighing the requirement of some to remove without consultation, but not till then. The more intelligent men of color can now see the necessity that rests upon us, and they will aid us in this work. We know that there is a growing sentiment in the country which considered the removal of the freed man, without consulting him, "a moral and military necessity" — as a measure necessary to the purity of public morals and the peace of the country; and this unhappy war of white man with white man, about the condition of the black, will multiply this sentiment. But we cannot go further now than suggesting, that the mandatory relation held by the rebel master should escheat to the Federal government in a modified sense, so as to enable his proper government and gradual removal to a proper home where he can be independent. U. S. Department of the Interior (RG 48): African Slave Trade and Negro Colonization, Records of, 1854-1872. M160. 10 rolls. Roll 8: Communications relating to Rev. James Mitchell, emigration agent of the Department of the Interior, Apr. 8, 1862-June 6, 1865 https://archive.org/details/letteronrelation3623mitc The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress MAY 18, 1862 Page 3 His Excellency ABRAHAM LINCOLN, SIR: The conviction of this nation being wide-spread, and becoming more general each day, that the peace and prosperity of the country and the permanency of our republican civilization, require a separation of the colored or negro race from us, suggests that the statesmen whose duty it is, from time to time, to reflect in their legislative movements such public sentiment as is well grounded and correct, should now assume and fix firmly in the national policy on this subject such fundamental principles of action as will prove lights and guides to the men who in after ages shall be obliged to meet and battle with difficulties like those you have encountered; for the experience of the past shows that the future is fraught with danger to the peace of this country. The calamity that now rests upon us had long been foreseen and deprecated by the wise and reflecting men of the past generation, and untiring efforts have been made to avoid them by many of the men of this. But the mass of the nation would not heed the words of warning; they abandoned themselves to the lead of our enemies, foreign and domestic; hence this storm of blighting war. Yet, terrible as is this civil war between men of kindred race for the dominion of the servant, future history will show that it has been moderate and altogether tolerable when contrasted with a struggle between the black and white race, which, within the next one or two hundred years must sweep over this nation, unless the wise and prudent statesmen of this generation avert it. In that struggle the issue will be the existence of the weaker race, and we must not flatter ourselves that the most numerous, in all localities, will be the white race. Permit us, then, to ask you aid and influence to induce the people of this Republic, through their National and State governments, to make a speedy, energetic, and uniform move through all their courts of legislation, all their means of influence and agencies of political power, to produce the separation of those races, the removal of the colored race to a proper locality, and establishment in independence there. Surely this exercise of influence is a legitimate prerogative of the Chief Magistrate, the guardian of national peace, who, being convinced of impending danger to the country, has the undoubted right to notify the nation Page 4 of its approach, and recommend the remedy. Being grateful for the positions you have assumed, and the recommendations you have made, we herein respectfully submit a few reflections intended to sustain (though feeble may be the effort) the policy proposed, and asking that, so long as God grants you place and power at the head of this great nation, you will continue to this subject the cure its magnitude merits and our national dangers demand. The rebellion that is not shaking the foundation of the nation, is the struggle of Imperialism to establish itself in a republican land. Imperialism, the government of the many by the few, the dominion of unchecked, despotic will, is one of the curses resulting from man's apostacy. For ages it has been regarded as a necessary evil amongst men — a thing of Divine appointment — and the fortunate incumbents of this power, for long centuries, have sheltered themselves behind this opinion, and strengthened themselves in this conviction. Nor are they altogether without authority in this; for, as despotic rule is a curse, we must admit that instruments for its infliction have been permitted. Republicanism, on the other hand, is a deliverance from this curse of despotic rule — and the law is supreme — meteing out equal protection and equal justice. Such was the plan of our republicanism as projected by the fathers of the nation; such has been the practice of most of the communities embraced within the broad field of the Republic; but in other sections of the land a different economy prevailed and continues to prevail; an imperialism of a circumscribed character has been practised, which necessarily saps the foundation of republicanism and educates the people to imperial rule. This has been the source of our danger, and in this manifest weakness the imperialists of Europe have found the greatest temptation to tamper with our prosperity and integrity. Our danger in the future arises from the fact that we have 4,500,000 persons, who, whilst amongst us, cannot be of us — persons of a different race, forming necessarily a distinct interest; the germ of a distinct political power, not now fully disclosed but to be disclosed in future ages; and from the fact that the government applied to those people is not republican, but anti-republican, having many of the imperial marks about it, the toleration of which has educated many Page 5 of our people to look with favor on a radical change of our republican institutions. The social and civil evils resulting from the presence of the negro race are numerous, and their magnitude can be better discovered by the stranger than the victims of the calamity. Amongst them we rank first and most destructive to the purity and simplicity of society — which strikes deeper at the root of good order, and mines most effectually the foundations of that citadel of national stability, the family — the license of the races, which is giving to this continent a nation of bastards. No apology can be given for this; none will be received by the Great Ruler; he will punish for this with fearful severity. It should not be concealed from the authorities of the land, and the parties interested should not be permitted to disguise the criminal fact, that the most immoral maxims are retained amongst this people, and made the justification of crime in this regard — all predicated on the hope of the colored race to rise by the illicit absorption of their blood into the mass of this nation. Time and again has this hope been expressed in our hearing, and as often denounced as the source and cause of crime. That political economist must be blind indeed; that statesman must be a shallow thinker, who cannot see a fearful future before this country, if the production of this mixed race is not checked by removal. So sure as time sweeps on, giving intelligence, members, strength, and more corrupt European blood to this class, so sure the period will come when this mixed population will assume the offensive, and possibly the next great civil war will be the conflict of this race for dominion and existence. It is strange, passing strange, that our moralists will not look this part of the matter in the face, and shape their precepts accordingly. The second social evil, we rank the production of strife in the church courts of our land, and the damage to Christian faith resulting therefrom. The third is our civil contentions, which are now threatening our national existence; the second precedes the third, and must always go hand and hand with it. The war of words and opinions always precedes the clash of arms. Take a review of the past twenty years; the men of the North, actuated no doubt by benevolence, demanded reforms in the clear and well known abuses resulting from the presence of the negro. The questions were introduced into the Page 6 church courts; the reforms advocated and agitated, not always in correct temper; the controllers of this undesirable population took the alarm; they sought refuge in Scripture precedents; northern resolutions and sermons were met by southern resolutions and sermons; each section succeeded in manufacturing a public opinion and conscience adverse to the other; indeed, much of the fearful responsibility of this scene of blood rests on the hierarchies of the sections. Very soon the contest passed from the church courts to the legislative halls; antagonistic laws were enacted, and States, as such, were arrayed against each other; finally, the conflict passed from the forum into the field, and there we are trying to decide the first great military struggle — but we fear not the last, arising from the presence of the negro race — demonstrating that this population is in the way of the peace of the country, the cause of immorality and misrule. Thus far we have found that their presence here disturbs our social structure. We come now to examine how far our civil structure is damaged by this population. As a nation we claim to be a republic, and for our institutions we claim that they are republican. We mean thereby that this nation is anti-despotic, and our institutions guarantee equal rights to all our citizens — equal protection to all under our jurisdiction. Such is the theory; but what is the practice? We hold within our limits four millions and a half of negroes, most of them slaves, under a worse form of bondage than was that of Russia. In the latter case the religion and domestic rights of the servant are respected; in the former they are disregarded in the legal provision of many slave communities. Here, in our opinion, lies the great crime of American slavery; not so much in requiring the servant to work without a fixed compensation as in disregarding the law of God; in discrediting the domestic relations of husband and wife, parent and child — which are ordinances of Heaven, that no community may disregard without bringing Divine judgments on itself — this with forbidding the use of letters to the slave, making God's word a sealed book, are crimes of the first magnitude, all resulting from the disposition to hold those people here for profit and gain. Can such an institution be cherished within a republic? We think not. However, with the relation of master and slave the inhabitants of the free States have agreed not to interfere, for the constitution must be observed Page 7 strictly. But there is one clause of this sacred compact which requires the Federal government to "guarantee to the several States a republican form of government." Those few words, in our opinion, form the true constitutional instrument or article, which, when rightly rendered and applied as a test to State constitutions and institutions, will free all the States under the compact from this corrupting institution of African slavery. When rightly construed it must and will require the gradual removal of such anti-republican elements and peoples as cannot be engrafted on the national stock; especially when it is found that those anti-republican elements and peoples have long been regarded by the diplomats in the interest of imperialism as the fulcrum on which to rest the lever designed to overturn our whole civil structure and rend us into fragments. As a nation we are learning wisdom by the things we suffer. The history of the great rebellion is not yet complete; the unseen influences which have produced it are not fully disclosed; but the dim outline begins to take form and place, so that the true friends and actual enemies of the Republic will soon be discovered, and each receive the place in history that infamy or honor may award. When the work is complete, when the last act in the great and fearful drama shall have been closed, it will be found that our country has been the victim of a conspiracy, the magnitude of which is without a parallel in the history of nations — though wicked, yet rendered grand through the combination of potent and princely influences arrayed, and to be arrayed, against us, because of the issues in question, and the result of the conflict — issues of no local character, but involving the fate of that system of government known in contradistinction to imperial rule as republicanism. It is admitted on all hands that our mixed and servile population constitute the root of those issues and quarrels; what shall be done with them is the question of the hour. Suppose the relation of master and slave abolished throughout the nation, what is the new relation you will give the freed men of the slave country? This is the question which requires solution. When the relation of master and slave ceases to exist — as cease it will in time — what shall be the rights and franchises wherewith you will endow and vest the 4,000,000 freed men of the South? To this one class of statesmen answer, we will grant them equal franchise, social and civil, and thus incorporate Page 8 them into the body of the nation; we will Africanize, and thus remove the difficulties in the way of our republicanism. I have yet to learn that any respectable statesman has dared to assume this position, or that any large or influential body of men have attempted to defend political measures based on this system of assimilation. We are free to admit that such a system of assimilation or amalgamation is necessary, provided you will to retain those people here, under the jurisdiction of our republican form of government; nay, we maintain, that our fundamental laws demand equal rights to all our citizens. This is a cardinal principle that cannot be ignored; the name and claim are empty unless we extend those rights. To extend them, is to open every social and civil avenue to this African mass: the office, the legislative hall, the family; to pour the blood of near five million Africans into the veins of the Republic, and that, too, in the face of the most solemn protests of the sections most to be affected by this repulsive admixture of blood — the country drained by the Mississippi — the border free and slave States of the West, who think they deserve better things of their brethren of the East than an attempt to engraft the African race on their country as a permanent population. It should be known to the men of the East that the fear of having African blood engrafted on the future population of the great valley, is becoming a formidable power at the West; it has nerved the arms of thousands in this conflict; it has said to the slave despots, "you shall not Africanize this land," the heritage of our children; and what it has said in tones of thunder, and written in blood-stained characters with pointed steel, it clothes in subdued tones and words of warning to the men of the Exeter Hall school, who, far removed from the scene of danger, see not the degradation of this admixture of race. Let the friend of English views, the disciple of Exeter hall, approach one of these western men and attempt to reason with him on the subject; he may tell him that it is not in keeping with the spirit of the age to exclude the African race from the rights and privileges of the Republic. He will answer that his social and civil structure was made for white men, not for black men; that he is opposed to social equality with the negro, and therefore opposed to the civil equality of such people with him, because social equality is a condition of society wherein each member, Page 9 however dissimilar his circumstances in life to those of his neighbor, may attain by industry or fortune to that very social position which his neighbor holds; that this condition of social equality is predicated on civil or political equality, for there can be no social equality without it, such a supposition is absurd; that the government of his country is republican, and as such required a homogeneous population, and that republicanism is applicable to such and such alone — a people in which each man is essentially the equal of his neighbor; that by a homogeneous population he means not this color or that color, but a population that can and will amalgamate on legal and honorable terms; that he does not choose to regard the negro as his equal, and if disposed to regard him as his equal in mind and worth, he does not choose to endanger the blood of his posterity by the proximity of such a population; that here is no command in the Word of God that will oblige him to place this race on the high road to such an amalgamation with his family; and if not with his family, not with that mass of families he calls a State. He will say that a family, and that collection of families which constitute his State, have the right, beyond all organic law, to say who shall or who shall not be received into their bosom and made members of their society; that the American people, in the exercise of this right, have admitted the white races, because they could amalgamate such on legal and honorable terms, whilst they rejected the black because they could not or would not amalgamate on legal or honorable terms. He will point to the recorded opinion of the Supreme tribunal of the nation as to citizenship. He will tell you that he is a sovereign on the soil he treads, and as such has as good a right to protect the purity of his blood in future ages as has the sovereign of England, and to enact laws thereto. Nothing but the authority of the Divine law will change his purpose to hedge himself in and erect legal protections against this possible admixture of blood, which he sees endangers the peace of society more than the intermarriage of England's royal heir with plebeian line. The student of Exeter Hall may then, with self complacency, point to the corruption of blood where slavery is cherished. And what has he accomplished by that? He rouses the pride of his antagonist, causing him to hate slavery all the more, and we much mistake his character if he does not answer with the emphasis of indignation. Where men are truly moral and religious, the white and Page 10 black races do not mix, so that the influence of religion will never effect fusion, or destroy the right of choice in the parties. All attempts to destroy this right of choice for himself or his family he will regard as an aggression, and repel with feeling, which if provoked by constant irritation and factious opposition to his local interests, can summon armed aid. Hence I have said we are destined to see other wars in the conflict of races, unless wisdom becomes our guide. I trust my fears in this regard are not well grounded; but let the stranger go amongst the people of the West and South, as I have done, and propose any other plan of meliorating the unfortunate condition of the free man of color than that of removal to an independent home, and the mass of the people will regard him with more than jealousy. What is it gives the hate and ranchor, the venom and the ire to this wicked rebellion amongst the poorer classes of the South? It is love for the negro? No, but it is the hatred of those who would engraft, as they say, negro blood on the population of their country. All such they call by what to them is the sum of all evil, abolitionists — showing that they confound the anti-slavery men of all schools, who are not out-spoken colonizationists, with that small class of northern theorists who defend amalgamation. What is it that causes the free masses of the West to mutter suppressed displeasure and threats, such as have been often heard, against their brethren of the New England States, when the negro question is discussed? It is this ill-defined fear that New England aims at engrafting negro blood on the masses of the Mississippi valley, by embarrassing the colonization and separation movement, as has been their habit. We must, therefore, rank this now latent Eastern and Western feeling of sectional hate, which only slumbers because of a traverse antagonism, as an additional evil because of the presence of those people. We must regard the extension of equal social and civil rights to this class of persons as distasteful to the mass of the nations; the majority will never submit to it; and attempt to enforce it will lead to restlessness and trouble in the West; nor will citizens made in the East for western or southern use, answer a wise and peaceful purpose. This ends the remedy of the first class of statesmen; it falls short of the evil it proposed to remove — it does not bring national quiet. Page 11 A second class come in and propose a restricted franchise for the freed men of the country: Let them remain laborers and pay them for their labor; they will make you a valuable peasantry, say our English friends of the court end of London; you can employ them through all coming time; it is not necessary nor desirable to endow them with the rights of republicanism; see our fine peasantry; in England and Ireland, but few, if any of them, vote; but few, if any of them, hold real estate; it is not necessary that they should. Why not construct such a peasantry out of your freed men? Our English friends, and those on this side who follow their views, "will never choose to comprehend the nature of our republican society and institutions," which can no more tolerate or accommodate a disfranchised peasant class, that it can accommodate a slave class; they forget, or affect to forget, that slaves and peasants deprived of the right of citizenship, and suffering social degradation, are incompatible with the genius of our republicanism. A disfranchised peasant class is essential to an aristocracy, or a monarchy; it is one of the appendages of imperialism; there could be no lords, or nobles, unless there were ignoble serfs and peasants; these must exist as a substrata on which to rear the higher orders and classes of society in a monarchy — sweep them away, and imperialism, in all its forms, falls to the ground; advocate their establishment, and so far you advocate the overthrow of republicanism and the establishment of imperialism. One of the admitted necessities of a country covered by a classified or heterogeneous population, is a strong central government, with restricted franchise; privileged ruling families; strong military arm; the governing power going down from the head or throne, not as with us, up from the people. This is the actual condition of the States now in rebellion — the condition to which they have been drifting for years. Their manifest policy is to centralize the governing power in the hands of the few. Remove that few by special chartered rights above the laboring masses, and then govern by a strong military pressure, if necessary; this, in our opinion, is the overthrow of republicanism and the establishment of imperialism. It is time it was known to the American people that this ruin of republicanism and establishment of imperialism is the condition of society which many of the rulers of the Page 12 Old World wish to superinduce on this continent, but especially on this nation, for therein the courts of Europe see the sure and lasting guarantee of the perpetuity of their own imperial rule. To assure monarchy in Europe and extend its dominion down to the indefinite future, all that is necessary is to revolutionize our republican society and engraft privileged classes on us, which will surely end in a throne; for the heads of privileged families will quarrel amongst themselves, unless regulated by a supreme chief or president, who always end by assuming the crown. Well do the nobility of England know that the negro race constitute the vulnerable point in our republicanism; some of them understand the embarrassments of our situation as well as we do ourselves. They know that we cannot make republican citizens out of our negro population. Having thus shadowed the two theories of the English school in what we have already said, let us note their management of "the American question," to our prejudice and well-nigh our ruin. The management of this most dangerous question in American policy, though unworthy a Christian State, does honor to the political skill of the oligarchy, the finger of whose diplomacy has intermeddled with the business, the interests, and fate of every nation known, and which this day permits no rival people or power to rise without earnest efforts to retard, restrict, or to destroy. The early statesmen of this nation saw more distinctly than their successors the dangers arising from two incompatible races in the same country, and foresaw the fearful conflicts that must result from their contact. Actuated alike by policy and humanity, they resolved to enter on the gradual emancipation of the slave and the separation of the races. So soon as the friends of human liberty in the country had defined this plan of emancipation, connected with the removal or colonization of the freed men beyond the limits of our Republic, just so soon did the men of England object, and present other plans to our American philanthropists of a widely different character, not suited to the structure of republican institutions. The English plans and theories were enforced by the exercise of all the moral and personal influence that the upper classes of that empire could bring to bear on the subject. The effect was to divide our good men amongst themselves; divide their plans, divide their influence. We were thus divided, whilst the people Page 13 of England were a unit. They had but one cardinal plan for us, and that was to fasten this people permanently on the soil of our country. "Emancipation on the soil" was their watch cry, and the creation of a colored peasantry out of the freed men. To enforce this plan upon us two agencies were used, the Puritan and the Cavalier; the first addressed himself to the North, the last to the South. The thunders of Exeter Hall were directed upon us, and made echo and re-echo over hill and dale of our wide-spread land. The English plans were enforced by the pulpit, and the press-printed matter, and the agencies of lecturers, together with appeals to the ecclesiastical bodies of our land, and by what was more remarkable, the open mission of a member of the British parliament, who came to aid in the work of division and distraction, but especially for the prostration of all schemes of relief. Those English agencies found a ready people amongst the polished thinkers, the benevolent and philosophic minds of cold and calm New England, who sometimes see a man of color, just enough of this to call up the well springs of benevolence, and exercise the feelings peculiar to the well ordered brotherhood of man. Here an English party and an English interest found a lodgement. Parker, Philips, and others, uttered the watch cry of opposition to the separation of the races; they talked of abstract rights and privileges peculiar to the denizens of the great domains; they loved the negro so much and well, they would plant the dusky mass permanently amongst the people of the East! Oh, no! But amongst the people of the southwest; notwithstanding the most earnest and emphatic protests of the States in that locality. Thus the plot thickened and the controversy grew warm. New England went with the men of Exeter Hall, whilst the central communities, most endangered by an admixture of blood, advocate the removal of the negro on such terms as would be agreeable to all. This interest found its most able advocates in the Middle States and the Mississippi valley. Amongst the chief advocates of this policy, stood that true representative of American statesmen, Henry Clay; but he and his friends had a third powerful party, or interest to resist. The fragments of the old tory party, entrenched in South Carolina, under the lead of John C. Calhoun, and those who sympathized with him in other Southern States; the advocates of a colored peasantry Page 14 Under bonds of perpetual servitude; the men of the Gulf school took advantage of the division in the ranks of the emancipationists, and whilst they were rendered impotent by their differences as to plans, those advocates of perpetual slavery moulded the southern mind to suit themselves, and proclaimed the Divinity of slavery; and under the inspiration of European imperialism, established the dogma, that the few have a right to rule, and that it is the duty of the toiling millions to obey. By both these extreme interests the horrors of expatriation were proclaimed and denounced. It will be remembered that when Mr. Clay, at the request of some of his friends, wrote a letter to Judge Robinson, showing the necessity of a separation of the races as a measure of national policy, the Exeter Hall men were sadly outraged, and the London press covered him with reproach; whilst the court end of London, and the American planting interest sneered at the folly of expatriating our labor; notwithstanding they knew that Europe was giving this country an adequate supply of labor, for all purposes of national prosperity and wealth, and at this hour we have more than we can employ. General Taylor, when he assumed the government, was moved to do and say something in the same direction. It will be remembered he recommended a revision of the laws relating to the slave trade, so as to admit of colonization on the west coast of Africa, giving his influence to the well remembered "Ebony Line," a line of transports designed to carry colored persons to Africa. On disclosing this policy and its discussion in this country, the men of England dispatched the Hon. George Thompson, member of the British House of Commons for Tower Hamblets, to this country to abuse the advocates and friends of this measure; and well he performed his work. He called the plan of separation a venerable humbug, and could find no terms too offensive for its advocates. This was his second visit; he had visited this country in 1839; those visits had no other object but to divide the thinkers of this land, the philanthropists of this much distracted country, on the question of emancipation, and prostrate all schemes for the removal of the blacks, who he knew, and his masters knew, stood more in the way of our country's peace and progress, than any other human obstacle. Well did Mr. Thompson know, well did his masters, the diplomats of the British empire know, that we Page 15 Could not make republican citizens out of our 3,000,000 negroes, (now 4,500,000,) and remain free from faction and from strife. What did they require of us then? What do they demand of us now? Not only that the colored race shall be emancipated — a matter for which all our good men pray; but they required more. Exeter Hall was the agent of the demand, and the good and true, yet deluded men of New England, endorsed the bill, asking retention on the soil after the act of emancipation should take place, unaccompanied with colonization, unattended with separation. We see that the London press has again opened its batteries on the colonization plan of this government, and we shall not wonder if they make it one of the counts in their new bill of indictment. May God be our help and guide, for we have embarrassments enough. It is presumed that the men of the Mississippi valley, and the loyal men of the South, can look calmly on such a demand as places side by side with their children a nation of blacks 4,500,000 strong, soon to double and quadruple, with the dark and fearful prospect of a strife of race, and a possible corruption of blood in future generations, and sure changes in the civil institutions of this country in future years? Can it be supposed, with reason, that they will regard with indifference those men far removed in their northern or island homes, from possible contact with this undesirable population, who sneer at the dread and alarm of those sons of our Angle-Saxon line located in the west and southwest, who fear the future and would avert its dangers? Thus wrought England at the North; but equally potent has she been with the men of the South. She has a man for every work and every interest. Nor did it require so much effort to mould the opinions of the South. Her nobility and titled classes have always found strong supporters in South Carolina, amongst the remnants of the old tory families. Those lordly planters were always in good odor with the nobility of England. The leaders of the Gulf school no doubt received assurances of sympathy. Revenue laws, tariff regulations, federal customs and duties, were regarded by both these parties as oppressive exactions not to be endured, but to be disregarded and nullified; that thereby the bands of mutual friendship might be drawn closer, to result in a substantial and lasting reunion. In South Carolina England's royal interest and aristocratic pride were enshrined with a hope of future resurrection. For eighty years they slumbered. Page 16 It was but a slumber; the germ of future life was there. The petulance, the bursts of passion, the flippant talk of disunion, the actual effort in the days of Jackson, all betray a hope, a dependence on some outside power, some stay and support in the hour of need. Carefully was this fostered and slowly has it matured under the skilful hand of J. C. Calhoun and his followers, whilst the smiles and promises of British nobles, like the genial sun, has caused the royal crop to grow. Dr. Russell came to the south as George Thompson came to the North, the aid and advocate of an oppressed people, the friend of the gentlemen of the Gulf States; the truthful reporter of their virtues, their wrongs and injuries; the reflector of noble patronage and promiser of ribbons, stars and coronets. Under his able hand the royal crop became rapidly ripe, and with care he trained upwards its young shoots of revolutionary ambition. But the Trent case spoiled all his calculations; he and his masters were baffled for the time by the prudence and wisdom of the Administration, and the few men in London who are really our friends. George Thompson and Dr. Russell are representative men of their class — puritan and cavalier — but whether puritan or cavalier, always English, intensely English, always anti-American, and dictatorial to their kinsmen of the Western hemisphere. The tories of the South, and the men of Exeter Hall, unite in their opposition to the removal of the negro from very different reasons; but so far as the result is concerned, it serves the aim and end of British diplomats to distract and divide our plans and measures of national relief. Such in our opinion is the plot of this conspiracy, to which the Emperor of the French, we fear, has lately lent such secret aid and direction as to become the master of the storm; and that, too, in contravention of the three great potent spells of his hitherto successful policy — non-intervention, universal suffrage, and the unity of nationalities, or races, with which he has brought the nations of the old world to his feet. We trust that it is now evident to him that the issues in our controversy, if disturbed by Eastern diplomacy, must become Eastern questions too; for the nations must and will examine the causes and reasons for our policy and conduct; whilst it is well known that American theories are dangerous to all systems of imperialism. But to return. The American people, the victims of this Page 17 management, abandoned themselves to the lead of two schools in policy, both, so far as the negro is concerned, driving in different ways at the same result — that of making the negro a permanent occupant of the Republic, as a dis-franchised laborer, or serf, with the sure corruption of republicanism as a result. The best and most philosophic view we have seen of the Southern plans and schemes, is that presented by L.W. Spratt, published in the Charleston Mercury, of February 13th, 1861, part of which we will now quote in justification of the charge made above, that the South aims at a change of our republican government, and desire the introduction of a privileged ruling class, possibly a monarchy. Throughout this strong, strange, and bold letter, we find the doctrines of those who call for a strong government — the government of the few, and the disfranchisement of the many. The following is his truly philosophic view of the situation: Page 18 Page 19 "Such are the two forms of society which had come to contest within the structure of the recent Union. And the contest for existence was inevitable. Neither could concur in the requisitions of the other; neither could expand within the forms of a single government, without encroachment on the other. Like two lobsters in a single shell, if such a thing were possible, the natural expansion of the one must be inconsistent with the existence of the other. Or, like an eagle and a fish, joined by an indissoluble bond — which, for no reason of its propriety, could act together, where the eagle could not share the fluid suited to the fish and live — where the fish could not share the fluid suited to the bird and live — and where one must perish that the other may survive, unless the unnatural union shall be severed, — so these societies could not, if they would, concur. The principal that races are unequal, and that among unequals inequality is right, would have been destructive to the form of pure democracy at the North. The principle that all men are equal and equally right, would have been destructive of slavery at the South. Each required the element suited to its social nature. Each must strive to make the government expressive of its social nature. The natural expansion of the one must become encroachment on the other, and so the contest was inevitable. Seward and Lincoln, in theory at least, whatever be their aim, are right. I realized the fact and so declared the conflict irrepressible years before either ventured to advance that proposition. Upon that declaration I have always acted, and the recent experience of my country has not induced me to question the correctness of that first conception. Nor is indignation at such leaders becoming the statesmen at the South. The tendency of social action was against us. The speaker, to be heard, must speak against slavery; the preacher, to retain his charge, must preach against slavery; the author, to be read, must write against slavery; the office-holder, to continue, must redeem the pledges of the candidate. They did not originate the policy, but they pandered to it; they did not start the current, they but floated on it, and Page 20 "Such, then, was the nature of this contest. It was inevitable. It was inaugurated with the government. It began at the beginning, and almost at the start, the chances of the game were turned against us. If the foreign slave trade had never been suppressed, slave society must have triumphed. It extended to the limits of New England, pari passu; with emigrants from Europe came slaves from Africa. Step by step the two in union marched upon the West, and it is reasonably certain, had the means to further union been admitted, that so they would have continued to march upon the West; that slave labor would have been cheaper than hireling labor; that transcending agriculture, it would have expanded to the arts, and that thus, one homogeneous form of labor, and one homogeneous form of society — unquestioned by one single dreamer, and cherished at home and honored abroad — would have overspread the entire available surface of the late United States. But the slave trade suppressed, democratic society has triumphed. The States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware found an attractive market for their slaves. They Page 21 "Such, then, being the nature of the contest, this Union has been disrupted in the effort of slave society to emancipate itself; and the momentous question now to be determined is, shall that effort be successful. That the republic of the South shall sustain her independence, there is little question. The form of our society is too pregnant of intellectual resources, and military strength, to be subdued, if in its products, it did not hold the bonds of amity and peace upon all the leading nations of the world. But in the independence of the South is there surely the emancipation of domestic slavery? That is greatly to be doubted. Our property in slaves will be established. If it has stood in a government, more than half of which has been pledged to its destruction, it will surely stand in a government, every member of which will be pledged to its defence. But will it be established as a normal institution of society, and stand the sole exclusive social system of the South? That is the impending question, and the fact is yet to be recorded. That it will so stand somewhere at the south, I do not entertain the slightest question. It may be overlooked or disregarded now. It has been the vital agent of this great controversy. It has energized the arm of every man who acts a part in this great drama. We may shrink from recognition of the fact; we may decline to admit the source of our authority; refuse to slavery an invitation to the table which she herself has so bountifully spread; but not for that will it remain powerless, or unhonored. It may be abandoned by Virginia, Maryland, Missouri; South Carolina herself may refuse to espouse it. The hireling laborer from the North and Europe may drive it from our seaboard. As the South shall become the centre of her own trade, the metropolis of her own commerce, the pauper population of the world will pour Page 22 "But it may be, that to this end, another revolution may be necessary. It is to be apprehended that this contest between democracy and slavery is not yet over." Such are the prescriptions and views of those advocates of anti-American theory. Is it wonderful that the life of the Commonwealth has been placed in jeopardy, and that this day we are undergoing the throes of exhausting civil war? Does it require further proof that we have been partly the victims of others, and partly in the position of the mariner without chart or compass, who vainly tries to reach the haven without a plan or policy? Is it strange that British statesmen, from their distant standpoint, saw this convulsion for many years approaching, and spoke of our troubles with the assurance of prophets. Did they not "foresee, because they foreknew?" If England is truly our friend, she has now a golden opportunity to disclose it. Let her people withdraw their opposition to the colonization of our blacks; let her open up the way for their settlement in Central America; continue to foster Liberia; manifest more sympathy for our work of making republican freemen, and less for making disfranchised peasants; more for men who are their own masters, and less for those who lord it over the servant; more for the men who make their own laws and rulers, and less for those who rule by divine right — provided such a thing is possible in a people who can see no political wisdom outside the British constitution, which provides for the three great Page 23 estates, king, lords, and commons — then will we believe her friendship sincere. We are not forgetful of the palliating fact, that her press and statesmen cannot, dare not, discuss the true reasons why the American people must colonize the negro, lest they should precipate the republican tendency of their own people, by telling them that that system of government requires an equality of civil rights and franchise. Such discussion would be fatal to their empire and their power. The government of Great Britain is composed of a few thousand titled and privileged persons, located in a small island, who are born to rule and govern. From their isolated position it is not possible for them to come in contact with the numerous, heterogeneous, and inferior tribes and races under their rule. They are thus protected from possible admixture of inferior blood, not only by their isolated position, but by carefully cultivating aristocratic pride of birth, of rank, and caste. From this small centre they extend their rule over a vast empire, the power not going up from the people, as with us, but going down to the people,and extending out to them through the iron arm of imperial authority. The British government, as a strong centralized power, can with ease throw the iron bands around differing tribes, heterogeneous masses, and distant provinces, and, by external pressure, give unity to the whole. Such a government can distribute just so much civil liberty and elective franchise to the home population, distant tribes, heterogeneous populations, and remote provinces, as may be regarded safe for the ruling classes. Hence, some of the people of Great Britain are electors, others not; some of the provinces have large liberties, other have not; equal rights for all the people being no part of the British system. How can such a people comprehend the necessity or use of removing the man of color? And those of them who do, dare not discuss it. The usual course with them, therefore, is to sneer or misrepresent our views and plans of colonization, and hold in light esteem the fears of those large portions of the American people, know[n] as colonizationists, who have neither the citadel of an island home, nor the laws of rank and class to protect them against this repulsive admixture of blood. Here we stand on the open plain of republican institutions and plain simplicity of manners; all the guards peculiar to European society have been broken down, Page 24 obliged by our fundamental laws to give equal rights to all our citizens. What is to protect us as a people from degenerating as a race, but the resolve to receive no blood from the other races but that which can be honorably and safely engrafted on the stock of the nation. As we understand it, this is the only right you reserve, when you lay the liberties and privileges of a great republic at the feet of the nations of the earth. You reserve the right to choose your future citizens; but to such as you cannot receive, you say, not as empires do, come and serve us and we will bless you with our iron rule; but you say, go and establish a government like this, as for our people, the men of Europe, we constitute one family, ordered so of God, and by him kept compact and together through the ages gone; we will restrain cupidity, and refrain from extending dominion into your tropical home, go and establish such a political family for yourselves; you shall have our aid, our fraternal sympathy and support; we will tax ourselves to give you nationality and freedom. Such have been the utterances of our great men of the present. Then why should England murmur at our giving nationality to the negro? It is the best our Republic can do for them and ourselves. However, we will express the conviction that many of the gentlemen of the present English administration are truly our friends, but hey are embarrassed in their position by the republican tendency of their people, as this nation has been by the imperial tendency of ours; yet how can tat nation, or any other, object to our work of colonization? Does not this work necessarily imply the gradual emancipation of the slave and the entire extirpation of the institution of slavery? For how can slaves be colonized unless first freed? Let us then, earnestly and respectfully recommend as a remedy for our present troubles and future danger, the perfecting the proposed plans of the administration in regard to those two conflicting races, and the careful and gradual removal of the colored race to some desirable and convenient home. This suggests that the tropical lands of our own hemisphere should be devoted to their use, and that all available means should be seized to pour a flood of Anglo-African civilization on the tropical lands of the old hemisphere most accessible to us (Western Africa.) In doing this we take from imperialism its temptation to tamper with our republicanism; for by preserving the heterogeneous Page 25 character of our population, we perpetuate our republican equality in social and civil life. It further suggests that our legislation should cover the wants and well-being of both races, and that statesmen should consider, first, the good of the white race, then, the good and well-being of the black; making at least as liberal appropriations for the colonization of the Indian, upon whom millions on millions have been expended with but imperfect success in the cause of civilization, whilst the slender means of the friends of the African civilization have produced lasting results. Some affect to fear that the man of color will not remove to a separate locality. It is not to be expected that a race, which has hardly attained a mental majority, will rise in a day to the stature of the men who found empires, build cities, and lay the ground work of civil institutions like ours; nor should they be expected to do this unaided and alone. They should receive the kind attention, direction, and aid of those who understand such things; nor will the world condemn a gentle pressure in the forward course to overcome the natural inertia of masses long used to the driver's will and rod. Let us do justice in the provision we make for their future comfort, and surety they will do justice to our distracted Republic. If they should fail to do this, there would then be more propriety in weighing the requirement of some to remove without consultation, but not till then. The more intelligent men of color can now see the necessity that rests upon us, and they will aid us in this work. We know that there is a growing sentiment in the country which considered the removal of the freed man, without consulting him, "a moral and military necessity" — as a measure necessary to the purity of public morals and the peace of the country; and this unhappy war of white man with white man, about the condition of the black, will multiply this sentiment. But we cannot go further now than suggesting, that the mandatory relation held by the rebel master should escheat to the Federal government in a modified sense, so as to enable his proper government and gradual removal to a proper home where he can be independent. "God ordained in the beginning a separate and distinct subsistence for the great races of men, 'when he separated the sons of Adam,' (when) 'he set the bounds of the people,' 'when he determined the times before appointed, Page 26 And the bounds of their habitation." An observance of this Divine economy is essential to the peace and happiness of the human family, whilst every departure from it, caused by cupidity or ambition, results in oppression to the man, and corruption to the few. We earnestly pray that a perpetual barrier may be reared between us and that land of the mixed races of this continent — Mexico. That, so far as this nation is concerned, we shall forever guarantee the integrity of her country, and so adjust our policy, that she might gradually receive our colored people, which when added to her already large body of five and a half or six millions of people of mixed race, would give her a population of near 12,000,000 persons of mixed caste, and, in the course of half a century, she will have a strong and compact community of near twenty million persons of color. It is the conviction of millions that this should be the line of policy towards Mexico and Central America. As Abraham and Lot agreed to separate their conflicting retainer and dependents, the one going to the right and the other to the left, so let those two governments agree to divide this continent between the Anglo-American and mixed races, the latter taking that which nature, in her wisdom, has prepared for them, and which for beauty, fertility, and grandeur of scenery, cannot be equaled on the globe — a country once the seat of empire and home of ancient civilization, he monuments of which abound in Central America. If we would retain our republicanism, it must become a fixed principle with us not to add territory to our country on the south, unless that territory is uninhabited; for every square mile added which is encumbered with a mixed race of local and fixed habits, (unused to migration like the Mexican and Central American Indian, and Negro races,) adds danger, trouble, and sure decay to republicanism. Statesmen may boast that "it is our manifest destiny to annex all the adjoining country and cover it with our institutions." With all due respect to them, we say they speak without reflection. Our republican institutions are not adapted to mixed races and classified people. Our institutions require a homogeneous population to rest on as a basis; without this basis, the continuance of republicanism, for any great length of time, is impossible. "Power is ever stealing from the many to the few," and ambitious and designing men are ever on the alert to take Page 27 advantage of actual or accidental differences in race, nationality, or religion, to divide the masses of a republic into permanent factions or bands; the effect of which, is the introduction, first of an oligarchy, to be soon followed by a monarchy. The true preservative against this tendency is a removal of slaves and serfs; a thorough amalgamation of such populations as we agree to receive — educated electors and citizens, reverence for God and his word, which will give moral strength to the nation; and this will ever prove a guard against imperialism. Such are the difficult alternatives for American and African; but they are not so hard on the African as the sufferings now resting on millions of Americans, because they were not considered long ago. Let us not talk of the hardships of separation and migration, in the light of burning cities, ruined fortunes, States desolated, murdered kindred, homeless families, widowed mothers, helpless orphans, and the nameless woes of this struggle of imperialism to regain its hold on a free people. If we wish to retain our republicanism, or rather perfect what Washington and Jefferson began, we should adopt as nearly as we can the above rules of life and government. It is then we can present to the world a compact and united people — educated and powerful — honoring God and his word — free from cupidity, that cause of aggression and wrong — making our own rulers, and respecting them when made. In this position, and with these qualifications, in the order of Providence, we must become "the light of the world." We will close this plea for the nationality of the negro and the peace of this nation, by making a few inquiries. Will not New England, which is now placing untold treasure and the best blood of hers sons on the altar of the country, go one step further and sacrifice therewith pride of opinion in reference to the gradual removal of this people, hereby taking away the conflict of opinion as a first step to unity of national counsel, to be followed we trust by national peace? Will not the loyal men of the South and West cut up by the roots every false principle in southern policy that bears the imprint of that apostle of imperial rule, John C. Calhoun, and remove from place and power such as have been untrue to the teachings of Washington and Jefferson on the negro question? or will they stand up in the light of this age, the inflexible advocates of an inexorable servitude Page 28 for the black man, until the surcharged thunder-clouds of other and worse revolutions burst on their country? Will not the men of England enable us to respect, if not love, the land which has given us our language, most of our institutions, and national life, by permitting us to mature plans and opinions in harmony with our civil and social structure, undisturbed by the doctrines of imperial society and life? And will not the good men of this country sink party in patriotism in the support of the wise measures already proposed on this subject, asking the intelligent free man of color to reflect and act in harmony with such measures as tend to peace? May the Power which rules the destiny of nations grant that the above may receive an affirmative answer, and that your hands may be strengthened in this hours of peril! Respectfully submitted JAMES MITCHELL Post Comment Private Reply Ignore Thread Top • Page Up • Full Thread • Page Down • Bottom/Latest Comments (1-43) not displayed.
#44. To: Vicomte13 (#9)
Notably, I asked, "What, exactly, compared to slavery<, was it that Lincoln considered a greater evil, even to the cause of human liberty itself?" The answer is, change the subject, and *** CRICKETS *** Surely, you know the answer. Understandably, you don't want to say what was considered worse than slavery. What was the horror of horrors. Of course, the Radical Republicans insisted in intervening in somebody else's house. If it were a war for the purpose of extinguishing slavery, it is amazing that slavery continued to exist in the North throughout the war, after it had been extinguished in the South, and after the war. It was not extinguished in the North until the ratification of the 13th Amendment. The evil in their own house did not move them to do anything about it. Wars are waged about power and money. They are marketed upon some bogus moral basis. You opine that where you perceive evil, the people deserve to be killed indiscriminately by the millions. Whatever.
Seems like it took days to read all of that,and I think I must have fallen asleep a couple of times. I know I was dreaming off and on because I kept imagining reading about "Biblical Science". That's a lot like reading about lead balloons. BOYCOTT PAYPAL AND CLOSE YOUR PP ACCOUNTS NOW! ENCOURAGE OTHERS TO DO SO,TOO! ISLAM MEANS SUBMISSION! Why is democracy held in such high esteem when it’s the enemy of the minority and makes all rights relative to the dictates of the majority? (Ron Paul,2012) American Indians had open borders. Look at how well that worked out for them.
You are correct. The origins of slavery first began when the Romans invaded and captured the Israelities. The history of when and where slavery originated is not known or knowable. What happened in ancient or prehistoric times millenia in the past is not relevant to the African slave trade under discussion. For millenia it did not exist at all. Now, it is a small apartheid state in the middle east. What you said was: There was no slave trade to America in the 1300's. That even predates the European slave trade. As for blacks "before the Mayflower," that is documented. In 1619, a ship of pirates and thieves robbed a Spanish vessel of its cargo of Africans. The Africans from their prior destination of the West Indies to Jamestown, where the 20 Africans were traded for supplies. For more African-American history see, Before the Mayflower, A History of Black America, 6 Ed., by Lerone Bennett, Jr., long time (half-century) editor at Ebony at pp. 31-32. The Moslems got there first. For several decades before the opening of the European trade, Moslem merchants dragged dark captives across the hot Sahara sands. Then, in the fifteenth century, Portugal diverted this trade to the Atlantic. The prime mover in this development was a devout and covetous prince named Henry the Navigator. Excited by stories of the great wealth of Africa and Asia, he ordered his ships to explore the coast of Africa. There, on a fateful day in 1444, Henry’s men came upon the first large group of Africans. They tiptoed through the high grass and crept to the edge of the village and then, said a contemporary, “they looked towards the settlement and saw that the Moors, with their women and children, were already coming as quickly as they could out of their dwellings, because they had caught sight of their enemies. But they, shouting out ‘St. James,’ ‘St. George,’ ‘Portugal,’ attacked them, killing and taking all they could.” The pious Portuguese captured seventy more Africans, including a girl they found sleeping in a deserted village, and sailed home, where they baptized the captives and enslaved them. Within ten years Portugal was importing one thousand Africans a year. A century later blacks outnumbered whites in some sections of Portugal, where there was a big demand for black domestics, stevedores and agricultural laborers, especially in the southern section. “ By the middle of the sixteenth century,” Mary Wilhelmina Williams commented, “the inhabitants of the Algarve were largely Ethiopians, and even as far north as Lisbon blacks outnumbered whites. There was no marked color line, and the blood of the two races mingled freely, resulting eventually in Negroid physical characteristics in the Portuguese nation." This phase of the slave trade was relatively unimportant. There was no widespread demand for slaves in Europe, and the number of Africans captured was relatively small. As a consequence, the European monologue quickly became an African-European dialogue based on a trade in humans and goods and ideas. Bennett also notes at page 34: - - - - - - - - - - Leif Erickson, in the 11th century, preceded Christopher Columbus. Amerigo Vespucci sailed years after Columbus. None originated the African slave trade to the Americas or Europe. If you say so. The statue was a gift from the French. La Liberté éclairant le monde, or, Liberty Enlightening the World. The Statue of Liberty did not exist until after the Lincoln administration. It did not exist at any time while slavery was legal in the United States. Its historical relevance to the African slave trade to the U.S. is zero.
The origins of slavery first began when the Romans invaded and captured the Israelities. No, goldilucky claimed that. nolu chan did not.
Tater & GI are the phunniest posters on LF. Don't destroy the phun! --- buckeroo It's impossible to 'destroy' clowns that don't realize how insanely idiotic and phony they truly are.
As a doubting tom, I leave reading the Bible to religious men. And I take my science reading with the same spirit. ---- We aint seen nothing yet, is my best bet.
Wrong guess. That is not what Lincoln was talking about.
To you I am stupid. To Yeshua, my heart, eyes, and ears are filled with their spirit of wisdom.
There is a documented case of a Viking raid on an Irish fishing village in the 7th Century,where the Vikings enslaved around 130 Irish,mostly women and children, and sold them into slavery in Africa. That was the earliest recorded mention of slavery related to Europe and Africa that I have ever ran across,but I have never tried to research slavery in Europe or anywhere else. I ran across it while researching Vikings. This might be a matter of semantics. I have no idea when "Europe" became known as "Europe". It could be that a slave raid on Ireland in the 7th Century didn't count in the history books as being related to slavery in Europe in the 14th Century because Europe didn't exist in the 7th Century. BOYCOTT PAYPAL AND CLOSE YOUR PP ACCOUNTS NOW! ENCOURAGE OTHERS TO DO SO,TOO! ISLAM MEANS SUBMISSION! Why is democracy held in such high esteem when it’s the enemy of the minority and makes all rights relative to the dictates of the majority? (Ron Paul,2012) American Indians had open borders. Look at how well that worked out for them.
One prime difference between religion and science is that science admits it was mistaken when new evidence presents itself BECAUSE it is evidence based. Religion is based on faith and is considered to be infallible until some high muckety-muck investigates intenstines and proclaims what was has never existed,and the new infallible truth is the only truth that ever existed. Remember,at one time people were punished for not believing that Earth was the center of the universe. One is based on observable fact,and the other on dogma. You do have to give the Christian religion credit for finally admitting they were wrong about that,though. The Muslims have never admitted they were wrong about anything,and they seem to be wrong about EVERYTHING. We aint seen nothing yet, is my best bet. Only because unlike religion that always looks backwards,science is always looking forward and working for changes. BOYCOTT PAYPAL AND CLOSE YOUR PP ACCOUNTS NOW! ENCOURAGE OTHERS TO DO SO,TOO! ISLAM MEANS SUBMISSION! Why is democracy held in such high esteem when it’s the enemy of the minority and makes all rights relative to the dictates of the majority? (Ron Paul,2012) American Indians had open borders. Look at how well that worked out for them.
Some early accounts of slavery in Israel mentioned here http://sarabe3.tripod.com/israeliteimages.html And read here on scripture account of the true identity of the Israelites glithehiddentruth.weebly....an-or-ancient-hebrew.html
The answer is, change the subject, and *** CRICKETS *** I answered that Lincoln is irrelevant. I don't know his thought processes, and don't really care. I did indeed opine that where I perceive evil, that I'm ready to fight it, break eggs and kill people who fight for the evil, that's true. Whatever? Perhaps, but Lincoln is dead and no longer has any say in the world. I'm not. We are not. So we do have a say in the world. If enough people agree with you, we'll be living a grand Pharisaism. If enough people agree with me, we won't have legal abortion anymore.
The South is part of America - it's all of our houses. We do not have to let our neighbors beat their kids to death, or keep a kidnap victim in the basement. We can go right into his house and stop him, and if he turns on us with violent force, righteously kill him, in his own house, to stop him from murdering his children or keeping a kidnap victim. Generally, we call the police and let them do it, but if we do it ourselves, and we are in fact stopping a murder or a kidnapping or the rape of a captive, the law will uphold us shooting down the dog in his own living room. Because NOWHERE in America (or anywhere else in the world) do people have the right to do that. We have the right to invade North Korea to stop the government there from imposing mass starvation on its people. We don't, because it would probably unleash a bloody war with China that might even go nuclear: the bad guys have a big, bad protector. But the Southern slavers had only their own arms to protect themselves in their evil burrows - no big foreign powers were willing to come resist the American government by force in order to protect the empire of slavery. So it was just a matter of crushing them out within America, to rid our house of slavery from Maine to the southern tip of Florida. Florida did not belong to the slavers. It was part of America and belonged to all of us. There was not reason to let the South go so that it could continue to enslave millions. The answer was to break slavery. If the South would not let slavery go (and slavery was central to their culture), then that mean breaking the South on the way. So be it.
You must have a reading comprehension and focus problem. Hopefully you gained some knowledge.
Two black people couldn't make the diverse skin color that humans have. Perhaps one black one white. Who knows. You don't.
I didn't know you believed in the JEWISH Messiah.
You're lying. You haven't stopped any abortions or killed any abortionists. You're all full of yourself and hot air. You said several times you would vote for pro abortion Hillary over pro life Ted Cruz. Murder is worse than slavery. Murder is in the 10 commandments and slavery is not. That means that you are worse then the slavers of the South. Maybe you should kill yourself. No I am not seriously wanting you to kill yourself. But according to your bullshit rhetoric you should have offed yourself a long time ago. I'm just making a point that you say things you don't mean. I don't want you to kill yourself. You are redeemable.
I see why many consider you an asshole. What a dickish thing to say.
For sombody who wants information in the area, that post is a good source. It's like taking a full semester's course.
I read most of it. i found it quite interesting. Thanks.
How many times must I guess before you answer your own question?
Oh absolutely I do! :)
No. I went to a secular private school for K-12, to Annapolis for college, and to Columbia and to the Sorbonne for law schools. I was not educated by Jesuits, and was not a religious person until God grabbed my face out of the air and talked to me.
I mean what I say. I am powerless to bring it about. And I do not believe in self-sacrifice as a beau geste. I believe in lying in wait until the conditions are ripe for victory, and then moving for victory. Trump right now has all the cards. I hope that he is a man of vision who will play them all, one after another, and use the immense power of the presidency to win key victories and break the opposition in ways that do not let them recover.
You did notice that the thread is about the pamphlet of James Mitchell, Linncoln's Minister of Emigration, published by the administration. It was entitled, "Letter on the Relation of the White and African Races in the United States." The stated object of Mitchell's plan offered to Lincoln was "perfecting the proposed plans of the administration." If you would prefer to post about your morality, and your desire to justify senseless slaughter because you perceive people live in a place where the morality does not meet your ultra-sensitive standards, please do start your own thread. This thread was started about the Lincoln administration and the details plan of Mitchell which the government published. Lincoln will always be relevant to a letter that was received by Lincoln and then published by his administration. Your desire to spout your morality to justify your blood lust is not relevant. What, with a keyboard?
I essentially agree with your observations. I think the African slave trade to Europe, and later to the Americas, is dated to when the Pope gave his blessing and a large chunk of Africa to Prince Henry and it got started as a commercial enterprise. Of possible interest.
Sorry, my question was to Vic. I was awaiting his non-answer before providing the clear and correct historical answer — AMALGAMATION, admixture of the races. The clear answer is provided by black historian Lerone Bennett, Jr. in his book, Forced Into Glory at pp. 268-69: What an extraordinary thing to say! What could possibly be a greater evil to the cause of human liberty than slavery! Freeing all slaves at once, Lincoln said, knocking down all the fences at once—Lincoln's metaphor—and producing the spectre of racial mixing and racial conflict over jobs and other values. Lincoln Lincoln said some strange stuff, like: References to The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, 9 volumes, by volume and page. Abraham Lincoln on amalgamation: “There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people, to the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races” (CW, Vol. II, p. 405). “What I would most desire would be the separation of the white and black races” (CW, Vol. II, p. 521). “I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and black races . . . . I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong, having the superior position. I have never said anything to the contrary.” (CW, Vol. III, p. 16). “I am not, nor ever have been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races . . . . I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people . . .” (CW, Vol, III, pp. 145-146). “I will to the very last stand by the law of this state, which forbids the marrying of white people with negroes.” (CW, Vol. III, p. 146). “Senator Douglas remarked . . that . . . this government was made for the white people and not for negroes. Why, in point of mere fact, I think so too.” (CW, Vol. II, p. 281). “I have said that the separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation . . . . Such separation . . . must be effected by colonization”. (CW, Vol. II, p. 409). “Let us be brought to believe it is morally right , and . . . favorable to . . . our interest, to transfer the African to his native clime . . .” (CW, Vol. II, p. 409). “The place I am thinking about having for a colony is in Central America. It is nearer to us than Liberia.” (CW, Vol. V, pp. 373, 374). http://www.aaregistry.org/historic_events/view/anti-amalgamation-law-passed Date: Sat, 1664-09-20 On this date in 1664, Maryland passed the first Anti amalgamation law. This law was intended to prevent marriages between Black men and English women. The Governor of the state at the time was Sir William Berkeley. Interracial marriage was a fairly common practice during the colonial era among white indentured servants and black slaves as well as in more aristocratic circles. Subsequently, similar laws were passed in Virginia 1691, Massachusetts 1705, North Carolina 1715, South Carolina 1717, Delaware 1721 and Pennsylvania in 1725. Intermarriage bans were lifted during Reconstruction in the early 1870's, but by the end of the decade mixed marriages were declared void. It wasn't until the 1950's and 1960's that all of these laws were lifted again. [...]
No. Amazing. They really missed an opportunity with you. BOYCOTT PAYPAL AND CLOSE YOUR PP ACCOUNTS NOW! ENCOURAGE OTHERS TO DO SO,TOO! ISLAM MEANS SUBMISSION! Why is democracy held in such high esteem when it’s the enemy of the minority and makes all rights relative to the dictates of the majority? (Ron Paul,2012) American Indians had open borders. Look at how well that worked out for them.
He's one of the most hypocritical posters on the forum... and he harasses the best poster you have, Nolu. Playing both sides of the fence doesn't make you a bigger person. It just makes you an ENABLER of the rabid liberal PAULTARD. As far as me being an asshole, I've never denied that. I was born an asshole... and then grew bigger. But I'll always stay on the right side of the fence... not in the middle. If staying my course makes me an asshole, good. I'm happy to oblige. I'm the infidel... Allah warned you about. كافر المسلح
ROTFL
Apperently, Lincoln had some strong reservations concerning genetic pollution of the white race.
I have no hypocrisy about our constitution, as I honor it's principles. --- And mea culpa, I detest those who dishonor those principles.
Yeah, you might say that. It somewhat explains why none of the glowing books about Lincoln is written by a black person. The damnedest things came out of his mouth. And darn near everything he is known to have said is in the Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln. And, btw he referred to Mexicans as a mongrel race.
obviously these weren't the only people he considered mongrel, you could almost think that the civil war was part of a secret agenda to rid the United States of black people. It didn't work out that way but his plan was to deport them to places well south of the US. Lincoln didn't survive to execute his plan so we will never know
Secret? I don't know about that. It is more like our history has been sanitized and has removed what was open and obvious to all with eyes and ears, but objectionable to the posthumous elevation of Lincoln to sainthood. Relatively few were abolitionists. My school history never taught me that after Gettysburg, troops had to go to NYC to put down the draft riots. Abraham Lincoln Address at Cooper Institute, New York City February 27, 1860 The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol 3, page 541. Annual Message to Congress December 1, 1862 The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol 5, page 535-6. December 1, 1862 In April 1865, Lincoln to General Butler, fully corroborated and matching other statements known to have been made by Lincoln, as quoted and authenticated by multiple reputable historians. Benjamin F. Butler, Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin F. Butler: A Review of His Legal, Political, and Military Career (or, Butler’s Book) (Boston: A. M. Thayer & Co. Book Publishers, 1892), p. 903. Forced Into Glory, Lerone Bennett, Jr., p. 167 Citations: Belz, Herman, Reconstructing the Union. Ithaca, 1969. Frederickson, George M. "A Man but Not a Brother: Abraham Lincoln and Racial Equality," Journal of Southern History 41 (February 1975): 39-58. Johnson, Ludwell. "Lincoln and Equal Rights: The Authenticity of the Wadsworth Letter," Journal of Southern History 32 (Sept. 1966): 83-7 Forced Into Glory, Lerone Bennett, Jr., p. 510 Citation: Allen T. Rice, Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln by Distinguished Men of His Time. New York, 1888. Forced Into Glory, Lerone Bennett, Jr., p. 226 Forced Into Glory, Lerone Bennett, Jr., p. 384 Forced Into Glory, Lerone Bennett, Jr., p. 554 Lincoln appointed and supported James Mitchell for years as the Agent of [Black] Emigration, i.e., Commissioner of Ethnic Cleansing.
You live WILLINGLY in a Nazi gun law,Nazi taxes... Nazi sanctuary city... Nazi filthy libtard BLUE state... and you fund that Nazi machine by paying taxes, WILLINGLY... and then question other posters constitutional values. Fuck you. I'm the infidel... Allah warned you about. كافر المسلح
So eliminating slavery all at once would lead to amalgamation -- a greater evil, even to the cause of human liberty itself? Why would freeing the slaves more slowly be better?
I have no hypocrisy about our constitution, as I honor it's principles. --- And mea culpa, I detest those who dishonor those principles. You're insane if you think I, and millions of other Californians cooperate WILLINGLY with the socialists who control this state. Yep, I question you and all your clown friends when you argue against our rights to life, liberty, and property,---- which one of another of you do damn near every day. Admit it, you're a coven of closet majority rule authoritarians.
You are insane if you think living there and PAYING TAXES isn't "cooperating". I mean don't be a dip shit, how do you think they PAY the kookifonia legislature who make your Nazi laws? WITH YOUR HIGH TAXES. Then they take your TAX money and pay their lawyers to defend the states nazi gun laws when you SUE THEM. They even pay your Nazi police (with your tax money) to enforce your chains... and instead of choking the state financially, you choose to hate those that do what their paid to do. YOU ARE INSANE... keep paying for the chains that bind you. There is only ONE WAY to change kookifonia besides dropping an atomic bomb on you libtard bastards... that's bankrupting that filthy blue state buy leaving only socialist, non tax paying WELFARE and non tax paying illegals there. That requires YOU TO MOVE, asshole. I'm the infidel... Allah warned you about. كافر المسلح
There are lots of 'blue' States. Does your batshitcrazy advice apply to everyone who lives in any of those States?
And cause the evil of competition with White labor, remember. The plan was not free, happy new neighbors, but freed slaves being removed to wherever. Deportation was a requisite part of the plan. Gradual emancipation was favored as nobody knew how to build an ark big enough to deport millions all at once. His plan was gradual emancipation until 1900, i.e., do it over 37 years. Ethnic cleansing was the last best hope on Earth and could not fail. Annual Message to Congress December 1, 1862 [...] Heretofore colored people, to some extent, have fled north from bondage; and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be procured; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their labor for the wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial climes, and with people of their own blood and race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And, in any event, cannot the north decide for itself, whether to receive them? [...] We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We—even we here—hold the power, and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free—honorable alike in what we give, and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best, hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just— a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless. December 1, 1862. As Lerone Bennett, Jr. observed in Forced Into Glory at page 624, Despite its thrice-repeated calls for deportation of Blacks, despite its passionate plea for a continuation of slavery for thirty-seven years, despite its official projection of the notion of an all-White nation, the whole American cultural structure—historians, curators, writers, editors—has endorsed this message. Donald praised its "Shakespearean cadence" (398). Basler said the message reached "peaks of eloquence unsurpassed in the annals of history," adding: "Perhaps no American living at the time save Walt Whitman ever expressed so large a vision of the future of American democracy..." (38-9).
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