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Title: Amtrak At Twenty End Of The Line For Taxpayer Subsidies
Source: www.cato.org
URL Source: http://www.cato.org/pubs/pas/pa-266.html
Published: May 16, 2015
Author: Jean Love, Wendell Cox, and Stephen Moor
Post Date: 2015-05-16 08:17:21 by CZ82
Keywords: None
Views: 6495
Comments: 26

Amtrak At Twenty End Of The Line For Taxpayer Subsidies

by Jean Love, Wendell Cox, and Stephen Moore

This year Amtrak is celebrating its silver anniversary. Unfortunately, after 25 years of federal ownership and $13 billion of federal subsidies, Amtrak appears no closer to financial independence than the day taxpayer assistance began. This study shows that virtually every stated justification for continued Amtrak subsidies is based on myth, not reality.

Amtrak makes a negligible contribution to the nation's transportation system. Amtrak represents just .007 percent of all daily commuter work trips and just 0.4 percent of all passengers making intercity trips.

Amtrak's typical riders are not low-income Americans. Only 13 percent have incomes below $20,000.

Amtrak has virtually no impact on reducing traffic congestion, pollution, or energy use. Even a doubling of train ridership would reduce energy consumption and traffic congestion by less than 0.1 percent.

Amtrak is by far the most highly subsidized form of intercity transportation. The average taxpayer subsidy per Amtrak rider is $100, or 40 percent of the total per-passenger cost. On some of the long-distance routes, such as New York to Los Angeles, the taxpayer subsidy per passenger exceeds $1,000. It would be cheaper for taxpayers to close down expensive lines and purchase discount round-trip airfare for all the Amtrak riders.

Introduction

In 1970 Congress created Amtrak, the National Passenger Railroad, as a publicly owned for-profit company. [1] Twenty-five years later, Amtrak remains heavily dependent on public subsidy; taxpayers contributed more than $1 billion to Amtrak in 1995. [2] And between 1970 and 1995, taxpayers provided more than $13 billion in federal capital and operating support of the passenger rail system. [3] States have contributed additional funds. More than two decades after Congress intended it to become financially solvent, Amtrak commercial revenues cover less than two-thirds of total costs. [4]

Amtrak is unique among forms of intercity transportation--including airlines, buses, and private vehicles--in several respects. First and foremost, Amtrak is the only publicly owned form of intercity transportation. It has by far the highest unit costs (per passenger mile) of any intercity mode--double the highest cost alternative. Amtrak carries the smallest number of passengers of any intercity mode of transportation, and it serves a disproportionately high percentage of affluent passengers. And Amtrak is the only intercity mode that requires net public subsidies.

Amtrak now needs additional public financing and has asked Congress to create a trust fund for its capital needs. Unlike the trusts for highways and air, which are derived from taxes on their respective users, the proposed Amtrak trust fund would be financed not by ticket taxes paid by its passengers but by taxes on road users--that is, on people who do not use Amtrak. Opponents of phasing out operating subsidies or privatizing the rail system justify continued taxpayer assistance by contending that Amtrak has many benefits. The alleged benefits include the following:

Amtrak is a heavily used form of intercity transportation;

Amtrak provides crucial transportation for lower-income Americans;

Amtrak is a national transportation system serving the whole nation;

The favorable European experience with subsidized rail service is transferable to the United States;

Amtrak is energy-efficient and good for the environment;

Passenger rail requires only small taxpayer subsidies;

Amtrak is not more heavily subsidized than other transportation modes;

Amtrak reduces traffic congestion;

Amtrak provides indispensable intercity transportation to areas outside the Northeast Corridor.

This study demonstrates that these claims about Amtrak are based on myth rather than reality.

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#1. To: All (#0)

Myth #10: Amtrak Service Provides Indispensable Relief to Highways and Airports outside the Northeast Corridor

Amtrak services have an even smaller impact outside the Northeast Corridor. [49] The highest diversion from private vehicles is estimated between New York and Niagara Falls at 11.9 private vehicles per lane hour (one car every 5 minutes). That is less than 0.5 percent of a lane's capacity. In the Los Angeles to San Diego corridor, diversion from private vehicles is estimated at 9.1 vehicles per lane hour, or approximately 4 percent of lane capacity.

Further, with the exception of Amtrak's Washington to New York services, Amtrak's passenger trains operate at terminal-to-terminal speeds that are sometimes faster and sometimes slower than intercity bus and automobile speeds. For example, Amtrak's Chicago to Los Angeles train requires 40 hours compared with 51 hours for intercity buses. The trip from Chicago to Oakland is 52 hours by Amtrak and 48 hours for intercity buses. The Washington to Chicago train takes 23 hours compared with 18 hours for intercity buses. Amtrak is nearly one hour slower than intercity buses and automobiles in the Portland to Seattle market and nearly two hours slower than autos and buses in the Philadelphia to Pittsburgh market. [50] Between Boston and New York, the fastest train and bus travel times are virtually the same.

The estimates in Table 9 are for the weekly peak average. Amtrak ridership can be higher on particular days, but given the natural constraints of Amtrak resources (trains and schedules), even on its busiest days, Amtrak's contribution to mobility falls far short of what would be required to contribute to "gridlock" in even its mildest form. [51]

Table 9 shows that Amtrak ridership has little impact on any portion of the nation's transportation system. Amtrak's six billion annual person miles are less than 1/30th of the unused capacity of scheduled airline services. [52] In contrast, Amtrak services would need to be increased by at least 35 times to accommodate the nation's air travel. [53] Amtrak has a negligible effect on congestion of the nation's highway and air traffic systems.

An amusing excerpt.

CZ82  posted on  2015-05-16   8:19:20 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


#4. To: CZ82 (#1)

I'll answer my own question: In 2015 (as opposed to 1995, the year of that study), Amtrak's shorter (less than 400 miles) major routes (Northeast Corridor and San Diego to Los Angeles), are PROFITABLE.

Over 400 miles, they decline in profitability. The long cross country routes are unprofitable and take up most of the subsidies.

So, the answer is that overall Amtrak still requires subsidies, but that is only because the cross-country routes are still being maintained. New York to Washington and San Diego to Los Angeles - those are profitable and help sustain the rest of the railroad.

Truth is: air travel is more economical for long range flight, but for things in the range of New York to Washington, Amtrak is less expensive, less hassle, and over all more time efficient. Air travel requires a trip to airports, which are usually not in the business district. Then there's the 1 hour prior, security lines, waiting to board. Taxi time, landing, deplaning...in another exurban airport. Amtrak takes you point-to-point downtown to downtown. When you add in the wait times and the getting to and from the airport, for New York to DC runs, Amtrak is cheaper and as fast.

That's why it's profitable on those runs.

If you've got to take the train from Chicago to San Diego, well, an airplane is more efficient for that.

Amtrak isn't a total failure, as the 1995 report posted above would lead you to believe. It's a success in short Interurban transit. It fails as a longer- range competitor to airlines.

Vicomte13  posted on  2015-05-16   10:44:32 ET  Reply   Untrace   Trace   Private Reply  


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