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United States News Title: Book Probes Historic Roots of Republican ‘Southern Strategy’ Book Probes Historic Roots of Republican Southern Strategy' Released: 6/23/2011 11:00 AM EDT Source: University of Indianapolis Newswise The national railroad tours made by U.S. presidents in the late 19th and early 20th centuries are nearly forgotten today, but historian and author Edward O. Frantz uses them as a window on one of Americas most intriguing political shifts: How did the Republicans, party of Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation, later become the popular choice of white Southerners who resented the civil rights movement? And how did the Democrats, party of Confederate President Jefferson Davis, gain the loyalty of most black Southerners? Frantz, associate professor of history at the University of Indianapolis, explores such questions in his new book, "The Door of Hope: Republican Presidents and the First Southern Strategy, 18771933," published this week by the University Press of Florida. To find the roots of the later electoral victories of Presidents Eisenhower, Nixon and Reagan, Frantz spent years spent poring through news archives and other original sources on the speaking tours undertaken during the administrations of Presidents Hayes, Harrison, McKinley, Roosevelt, Taft and Hoover. Its such a crucial time in American history: The Civil War is over, but what is the meaning of freedom, and for whom? Frantz says. The questions that the book raises are absolutely relevant today and continue to be instructive. Before the advent of mass media and opinion polling, railroad tours were an important means for federal officials to address voters and test new ideas. Accounts of their appearances and speeches, especially in African-American newspapers of the day, reveal how those leaders struggled in addressing the promise of freedom for black Americans a promise Theodore Roosevelt called the door of hope. At the same time, Republicans needed to win over white Southern voters in order to become a more viable national party. Early talk about guaranteeing the right to vote for all Americans gradually faded as the years went on. What promises are they making, and how do they shift over time? Frantz says. Their commitment to the legacy of liberation ran up against changing demographics and this other desire to be more than just a regional party. Notably, three of the eras obscure, bearded presidents, as Frantz calls them jokingly, had fought for the Union during the Civil War, risking their lives to defend Americas guarantee of freedom and dignity for all. Racial justice was not an abstraction to them, he says. They were trying to make sure that what they fought for still had meaning and significance. "The Door of Hope: Republican Presidents and the First Southern Strategy, 18771933" By Edward O. Frantz, Associate Professor of History, University of Indianapolis University Press of Florida http://www.upf.com/book.asp?id=FRANT001 Praise for "The Door of Hope": Frantzs insightful reading of primary sources provides an important blueprint for the ultimate demise of the solid South controlled by Democrats and the eventual triumph of the once-hated Republicans in the land of Dixie. John David Smith, Charles H. Stone Distinguished Professor of American History, UNC-Charlotte Frantz provides what most American voters desperately need: a deeply grounded historical background study of how the party of Lincoln became the party of Reagan in our own time. Following all the Republican presidents from Hayes to Hoover on their southern tours, we learn how a sectional party rooted in Union victory and racial egalitarianism transformed over time into a party running against the very meaning of its own origins, while falsely claiming to still represent them. This is new political history of the very best kind and history that helps explain todays politics of white resentment as well as Republican disdain for the public sector and government itself. David W. Blight, author of American Oracle: The Civil War in the Civil Rights Era This innovative book takes on vital questions about the politics of sectionalism and race in post-Reconstruction America. No other historian has so thoroughly examined tours of the former Confederate states made by Republican presidents from Rutherford Hayes to Herbert Hoover. With skill and insight, Frantz explores how those trips contributed to Republicans evolving southern strategy and how a range of Americans in the North and South, black and white responded. The time is ripe for the fresh perspective that Frantz offers. Stephen A. West, Catholic University of America What a poignantly and perfectly titled book this is. Edward Frantz recounts and analyzes how white northern Republicans pursued a southern strategy starting nearly a century before Richard Nixon coined that phrase. They yearned to open a door of hope to white votes in the former Confederacy. But that meant closing another door of hope to African Americans who had voted Republican during Reconstruction and would have gladly continued to vote that way if they had not been disfranchised. It is a fascinating, heartbreaking story with much resonance to twenty-first-century American politics and race relations. John Milton Cooper Jr., E. Gordon Fox Professor of American Institutions, Emeritus, University of Wisconsin-Madison
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#3. To: Godwinson (#0)
As a co-architect of the Nixon strategy that gave the GOP a lock on the White House for a quarter century, let me say that... Richard Nixon kicked off his historic comeback in 1966 with a column on the South (by this writer) that declared we would build our Republican Party on a foundation of states rights, human rights, small government and a strong national defense, and leave it to the "party of Maddox, Mahoney and Wallace to squeeze the last ounces of political juice out of the rotting fruit of racial injustice." In that '66 campaign, Nixon who had been thanked personally by Dr. King for his help in passing the Civil Rights Act of 1957 endorsed all Republicans, except members of the John Birch Society. In 1968, Nixon chose Spiro Agnew for vice president. Why? Agnew had routed George ("Your home is your castle!") Mahoney for governor of Maryland but had also criticized civil-rights leaders who failed to condemn the riots that erupted after the assassination of King. The Agnew of 1968 was both pro-civil rights and pro-law and order. When the '68 campaign began, Nixon was at 42 percent, Humphrey at 29 percent, Wallace at 22 percent. When it ended, Nixon and Humphrey were tied at 43 percent, with Wallace at 13 percent. The 9 percent of the national vote that had been peeled off from Wallace had gone to Humphrey. Nixon led America out of a dismal decade and was rewarded with a 49-state landslide. By one estimate, he carried 18 percent of the black vote in 1972 and 25 percent in the South. No Republican has since matched that. To see Kristol colluding with the Times to rewrite that history to make liberals heroes and Republicans villains tells us more about him than about the era. And where were the necons, when Goldwaterites and Nixonites were building the New Majority? Going all the way with LBJ. -- Pat Buchanan
You start out in 1954 by saying, Nigger, nigger, nigger, said Atwater. By 1968, you cant say nigger that hurts you. Backfires. So you say stuff like forced busing, states rights, and all that stuff. Youre getting so abstract now [that] youre talking about cutting taxes, and all these things youre talking about are totally economic things, and a byproduct of them is [that] blacks get hurt worse than whites. And subconsciously maybe that is part of it. You follow me - because obviously sitting around saying, 'We want to cut this,' is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than 'nigger, nigger'.
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